mr. chairman, i join my colleague mr. rangel in thanking you for giving the junior members of this committee the glorious opportunity of sharing the pain of this inquiry. mr. chairman, you are a strong man, and it has not been easy but we have tried as best we can to give you as much assistance as possible.

earlier today, we heard the beginning of the preamble to the constitution of the united states: "we, the people." it's a very eloquent beginning. but when that document was completed on the seventeenth of september in 1787, i was not included in that "we, the people." i felt somehow for many years that george washington and alexander hamilton just left me out by mistake. but through the process of amendment, interpretation, and court decision, i have finally been included in "we, the people."

today i am an inquisitor. an hyperbole would not be fictional and would not overstate the solemnness that i feel right now. my faith in the constitution is whole; it is complete; it is total. and i am not going to sit here and be an idle spectator to the diminution, the subversion, the destruction, of the constitution.

"who can so properly be the inquisitors for the nation as the representatives of the nation themselves?" "the subjects of its jurisdiction are those offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men."¹ and that's what we're talking about. in other words, [the jurisdiction comes] from the abuse or violation of some public trust.

it is wrong, i suggest, it is a misreading of the constitution for any member here to assert that for a member to vote for an article of impeachment means that that member must be convinced that the president should be removed from office. the constitution doesn't say that. the powers relating to impeachment are an essential check in the hands of the body of the legislature against and upon the encroachments of the executive. the division between the two branches of the legislature, the house and the senate, assigning to the one the right to accuse and to the other the right to judge, the framers of this constitution were very astute. they did not make the accusers and the judgers -- and the judges the same person.

we know the nature of impeachment. we've been talking about it awhile now. it is chiefly designed for the president and his high ministers to somehow be called into account. it is designed to "bridle" the executive if he engages in excesses. "it is designed as a method of national inquest into the conduct of public men."² the framers confided in the congress the power if need be, to remove the president in order to strike a delicate balance between a president swollen with power and grown tyrannical, and preservation of the independence of the executive.

the nature of impeachment: a narrowly channeled exception to the separation-of-powers maxim. the federal convention of 1787 said that. it limited impeachment to high crimes and misdemeanors and discounted and opposed the term "maladministration." "it is to be used only for great misdemeanors," so it was said in the north carolina ratification convention. and in the virginia ratification convention: "we do not trust our liberty to a particular branch. we need one branch to check the other."

"no one need be afraid" -- the north carolina ratification convention -- "no one need be afraid that officers who commit oppression will pass with immunity." "prosecutions of impeachments will seldom fail to agitate the passions of the whole community," said hamilton in the federalist papers, number 65. "we divide into parties more or less friendly or inimical to the accused."³ i do not mean political parties in that sense.

the drawing of political lines goes to the motivation behind impeachment; but impeachment must proceed within the confines of the constitutional term "high crime[s] and misdemeanors." of the impeachment process, it was woodrow wilson who said that "nothing short of the grossest offenses against the plain law of the land will suffice to give them speed and effectiveness. indignation so great as to overgrow party interest may secure a conviction; but nothing else can."

common sense would be revolted if we engaged upon this process for petty reasons. congress has a lot to do: appropriations, tax reform, health insurance, campaign finance reform, housing, environmental protection, energy sufficiency, mass transportation. pettiness cannot be allowed to stand in the face of such overwhelming problems. so today we are not being petty. we are trying to be big, because the task we have before us is a big one.

this morning, in a discussion of the evidence, we were told that the evidence which purports to support the allegations of misuse of the cia by the president is thin. we're told that that evidence is insufficient. what that recital of the evidence this morning did not include is what the president did know on june the 23rd, 1972.

the president did know that it was republican money, that it was money from the committee for the re-election of the president, which was found in the possession of one of the burglars arrested on june the 17th. what the president did know on the 23rd of june was the prior activities of e. howard hunt, which included his participation in the break-in of daniel ellsberg's psychiatrist, which included howard hunt's participation in the dita beard itt affair, which included howard hunt's fabrication of cables designed to discredit the kennedy administration.

we were further cautioned today that perhaps these proceedings ought to be delayed because certainly there would be new evidence forthcoming from the president of the united states. there has not even been an obfuscated indication that this committee would receive any additional materials from the president. the committee subpoena is outstanding, and if the president wants to supply that material, the committee sits here. the fact is that on yesterday, the american people waited with great anxiety for eight hours, not knowing whether their president would obey an order of the supreme court of the united states.

at this point, i would like to juxtapose a few of the impeachment criteria with some of the actions the president has engaged in. impeachment criteria: james madison, from the virginia ratification convention. "if the president be connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter him, he may be impeached."

we have heard time and time again that the evidence reflects the payment to defendants money. the president had knowledge that these funds were being paid and these were funds collected for the 1972 presidential campaign. we know that the president met with mr. henry petersen 27 times to discuss matters related to watergate, and immediately thereafter met with the very persons who were implicated in the information mr. petersen was receiving. the words are: "if the president is connected in any suspicious manner with any person and there be grounds to believe that he will shelter that person, he may be impeached."

justice story: "impeachment" is attended -- "is intended for occasional and extraordinary cases where a superior power acting for the whole people is put into operation to protect their rights and rescue their liberties from violations." we know about the huston plan. we know about the break-in of the psychiatrist's office. we know that there was absolute complete direction on september 3rd when the president indicated that a surreptitious entry had been made in dr. fielding's office, after having met with mr. ehrlichman and mr. young. "protect their rights." "rescue their liberties from violation."

the carolina ratification convention impeachment criteria: those are impeachable "who behave amiss or betray their public trust."4 beginning shortly after the watergate break-in and continuing to the present time, the president has engaged in a series of public statements and actions designed to thwart the lawful investigation by government prosecutors. moreover, the president has made public announcements and assertions bearing on the watergate case, which the evidence will show he knew to be false. these assertions, false assertions, impeachable, those who misbehave. those who "behave amiss or betray the public trust."

james madison again at the constitutional convention: "a president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the constitution." the constitution charges the president with the task of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed, and yet the president has counseled his aides to commit perjury, willfully disregard the secrecy of grand jury proceedings, conceal surreptitious entry, attempt to compromise a federal judge, while publicly displaying his cooperation with the processes of criminal justice. "a president is impeachable if he attempts to subvert the constitution."

if the impeachment provision in the constitution of the united states will not reach the offenses charged here, then perhaps that 18th-century constitution should be abandoned to a 20th-century paper shredder.

has the president committed offenses, and planned, and directed, and acquiesced in a course of conduct which the constitution will not tolerate? that's the question. we know that. we know the question. we should now forthwith proceed to answer the question. it is reason, and not passion, which must guide our deliberations, guide our debate, and guide our decision.

i yield back the balance of my time, mr. chairman.

英语的演讲稿篇2

atlab, i designed a simulation program for transportation scheduling system. it is noy future research interests include: network scheduling problem, heuristic algorithm research (especially in ga and neural network), supply chain network research, hybrid system performance analysis with petri nets and data mining.

good morning/afternoon/evening, my name is . it is really a great honor to have this opportunity/chance to introduce myself. i would like to answer whatever you may raise, and i hope i can make a good performance today.

hello! it’s my pleasure to come here and have a chance to introduce myself. i will graduate from beijing unite teacher training university and live in beijing chaoyang district; my major is visual communication design.

on college days, i studied some graphic artist design, package design, book design, website design and so on. here is my e-portfolio, please see it. besides, a few e-works in my flash disk. please see it when you are convenient.

thank you very much!

英语的演讲稿篇3

i’m very glad to make a speech here. today my topic is “i love you, china.”

since the day i municate forting the bottom of her heart! then, there came the gentle voice of hers: no, no, no… her head shaking, mon in northes, the etimes clouds of dust blur the vision, and little kids cannot find their ways. it’s like the end of the world.

we know it is mother nature’s revenge on what we have done to her. in order to see blue sky and sunny spring again, we should plant more trees and more grass to protect the environment. and it is not too late if we start right now.

though it’s a hard job to fight against the sandstorm, it is the battle we must fight, and it is a battle we must win!

thank you!

英语的演讲稿篇4

各位领导、各位评委：

大家好！

我叫xxx，在这里我以平常人的心态，参与幸福中学英语教师岗位竞聘。此次竞聘，本人为了响应人事制度改革的召唤，在有可能的情况下实现自己的人生价值。我现年39岁，大专文化程度，中学一级教师职称。xxxx年毕业于临沧师范学校英语班，同年八月分配到幸福中学任教。工作至今，我热爱党，热爱社会主义，服从领导分工安排，爱岗敬业，积极完成学校交给的各项任务。

参与这次竞聘，我认为我主要有以下的几个有利条件：

1、有初中教师资格证书和合格学历。

2、在这20年的教育教学工作中，我一直承担初三年级教育教学工作，曾经担任过班主任，教育教学成绩居全县前列，具有丰富的教学经验，是我校的骨干教师。

3、有较强团结协作、吃苦耐劳、扎实工作、追求上进、不甘落后等精神。

4、经过几年的教育教学工作的锻炼，使自己各方面素质得以提高，xxxx年荣幸地被xx市委、市政府评为市级优秀教师。

5、为了适应新时代的教育教学要求，近几年来，本人通过自学，掌握了计算机的简单操作使用。学会了wps、word、power point、excel等教学上用得到的常用软件的使用，学会了上网，经常浏览有关教育，了解关于教育教学改革的信息和新动态，并能从网上下载一些有助于教育教学的资料，与发达地区同步享受最新资源信息，为我校即将构建的多媒体教学、电化教学、网络备课、网络教学打下了坚实的基础。

几年的工作使我深深地感到机遇和挑战并存，成功与辛酸同在。参与这次竞聘，我愿在求真务实中认识自己，在积极进取中不断追求，在拼搏奉献中实现价值，在竞争中完善自己。我深知教学工作的.重要性，我愿服从领导分工安排，完成学校安排的各项任务，想学校之所想，急学校之所急，并与广大教师打成一片，齐心协力，搞好教育教学工作。我将笨鸟先飞，不负众望，做到“以为争位，以位促为”。具体做到以下几个方面：

1、按教学大纲和教学内容作好计划，设计教案，学期学年末写好总结。

2、合理布置并及时批改作业，捕捉分析作业对错情况，并及时反馈。

3、钻研教育教学理论，积极参加教改实践活动，不断改进教法，提高教学质量。

4、关心学生，因材施教，分层次教学，让学生不同程度的得以提高，配合学校，进一步搞好控辍保学工作。

5、积极参加教研活动，每周听课不少于一节，上好学校开展的优质课和公开课。

6、服从学校安排，按时上下课，不迟到，不旷课，有事请假。

在以后的工作中，我将努力做到严格要求，严守纪律，勤学习，勤工作。以共同的目标团结人，以自身的行动感染人。努力做到大事讲原则，小事讲风格，共事讲团结，办事讲效率。

我将用真情和爱心去和我的每一个学生相处，充分尊重他们的人格，奋力提高教育教学成绩。找准自己的位置，像老实的羊、忙碌的马、吃草的牛那样努力地工作，无私地奉献。像竹子一样，每前进一步，小结一次。我愿与大家共创美好的未来，迎接幸福中学辉煌灿烂的明天。

谢谢大家！

英语的演讲稿篇5

大家好，我今天演讲的题目是“我的梦想”。

每个人都有梦想，而且很好，我也不例外。我有一个小小的梦想，当我达到目标时，我会实现更多的梦想。开始，我还是个婴儿，一心想变得很强壮，像少林寺里的孩子一样，武功高强。但是我觉得离开父母去很远的地方练武，辛苦，有点舍不得。小时候，我有一个梦想，我希望我有钱。大人问：小姑娘，有了钱你打算怎么办？我要去买泡泡糖"如果你有很多钱？

我打算买很多泡泡糖。"如果你有钱花的话？我会买泡泡糖工厂。"天真的'童年我们的确有一颗善良的心，幸福和快乐是同一首曲子。

慢慢进入小学，课程越来越深，知识越来越多。会感受到压力。现在我有一个梦想。我希望我没有；我每天没有很多作业要做。玩的有点剥夺，而我们40%的日子都禁锢在教室里，很多时间都在学习。但是在学习面前，是一种模糊的知识。俗话说，一种罕见的困惑。对事物的理解，从封建主义到资本主义，越大越觉得自己的观点是正确的。每天放学回家后忙了一天一夜的课，他又困又累，吃不到深夜吃的食物。这样的生活很单调，可能有时候会想念我的很多小学同学，有时候会带着一节课或者一副朦胧的睡相。讨厌死板的校服，我从来不到处穿。周六，周日；时间很短，孩子很想磨炼，慢慢了解生活；太难了，努力吧，梦想好了，我会努力让每个人都生活起来，早起晚睡，把握住自己，不再松懈。我也想为他们的梦想而奋斗。

我的演讲结束了，谢谢！

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